Monday, December 31, 2012

Beaches and parks don't mix

At this point, this blog entry is under construction because I’m still sorting out how some of these city committees worked together. But I wanted to get a few thoughts down on paper, so to speak.

The city’s committee on property had this to say in its report no. 8 for 1911:
Removal of Bathing Shelter at Simcoe Park
Your Committee recommend the adoption of the following report of the property commissioner:
“The Park Commissioner purposes making a park of that portion of Simcoe Park situated at the junction of Cherry Street produced southerly, and the lake front, whereon we have at present a bathing shelter and dressing-room for girls and women.
I ask authority to move the shelter a short distance westerly along the beach to a point where it will not conflict with the intention of the Commissioner.”[1] 
One of the things I find interesting about the way the City of Toronto managed its parks and waterfront is that they were often slotted into two different categories. The parks fell under the Parks and Exhibition Committee while the beach and swimming areas fell under the control of the Property Committee, which looked after the free bathing stations that had been set up on Fisherman’s Island, which was also known as Simcoe Park, Sunnyside, though the shore line there looked very different in 1911, and along the Don River. Usually the two were mutually exclusive. Riverdale Park, which hugged both sides of the Don River, is never mentioned in the same breath as the Don River free bathing station, which was typically located at the foot of Winchester Street. Swimming, then, was not something one did when they went to a park. That divide is made explicit in this little excerpt because to create its “park space,” and it would appear the area had been set aside as park land already, the park commissioner request that the bathing shelter be moved out of the way so “as not to conflict with the intention of the Commissioner.”

What was the conflict? I would suggest it was a conflict between the bathing body and the activities that people were expected to do in a park, whether it be picnicking, or promenading, or potentially sports, though in most parks sports were controlled and limited to designated spaces. In this particular case, the female bathing body seems to have been a particular concern since the dressing-room for girls and women is mentioned specifically. It’s not clear where the men’s/boys changing room is in this discussion. It, assuming there was one, and there probably was because Fisherman’s Island was a mixed swimming area in 1911, may have been further down the beach or its presence may not have merited the same level of concern.

A wrinkle in this division of responsibilities for parks and bathing was Toronto Island, which in the first years of the twentieth century fell under the Island Committee, a sort of super committee that could draw instruction from the other committees as required. The Island Committee had responsibility for all things island related but even here it looked like the Park Commissioner continued to look after the park on the island, which at this point did not cover the entire island, leaving the committee to focus on the leasing of lots on the island, the placement of bathing stations and the ongoing physical transformation of the island. Even on the island, however, it appears that what the city thought of as “Island Park” was conceptually divorced from the areas it thought of as bathing areas; Turner’s Baths, located on its own spit of land was the most high profile swimming area, but practically people were diving in at various points around the island.


[1] Report no. 8, Committee on Property, (I need to add the date), City Council, 1911, Appendix A, Toronto City Archives.

Sunday, December 30, 2012

Beating the heat in 1912

At the beginning of the twentieth century a city needed to breath. I think it’s one of the fundamental differences between how urban life is expected to be experienced today and how it was experienced in, say, 1912. The modern city expects to divorce itself from the environment. When it’s hot people head inside to cool off, when it’s cold people head inside to warm up. We control the environment. The city is buttoned up and contained. A Globe and Mail column by Neil Reynolds expresses this attitude rather well. Concerned about global warming? Fret not, Reynolds argues, we’ll cope by turning up the air conditioning. Of course, the climate-controlled city is as much myth as reality. People still suffer in the heat today and freeze in the winter. Though perhaps we don’t suffer quite as equally as we once did; although the following discussion does suggest that escape from the heat was always easier for the monied classes.

Toronto was hit with a heat wave in 1912. But the time the city was a week into the heat wave the Toronto Daily Star reported on July 10 that it had caused a heavy list of deaths. “The hand of the hot weather lies heaviest upon the little children. In the poorer districts this is felt most keenly, but it is true of all parts of the city.”[1] Of the 125 deaths reported in the city during the past week, the newspaper noted that 50 were of children under two years old. The star listed off the ways that people coped with the weather, from kids playing in a bathtub to workers dressing down on the job or staying away from work entirely.

 My old friend the cupless fountain pops up a few times in this story. The Star notes, “A new use has been found for the cupless drinking fountains which have been placed on the streets and in the parks. The discoverer was the youthful driver of a delivery wagon. He stopped to get a drink for himself and then directing the stream by his finger gave his horse a shower bath. The horse was not a bit frightened, but acted as if he would be willing to stand there a week.”[2]

But, and this my buried lead, we get a sense that the city expected to “breath” during a heat wave. Taking off clothes on the job was one way to do it. But people would also flow outside and to the lakes to escape the heat, rather than flowing inside as they might today to get into the air conditioning. It speaks to an urban environment that was, and expected to be, engaged with the natural environment. As the Star put it: “Many people slept in the parks last night. Some were to be found in every park, although Queen’s Park, on account of its proximity to the Ward [Toronto’s poorest] district], was the most popular. Some went as far out as High Park, but these were mostly parties of young men. In the other parks were people of all ages.”[3]

As always, gender matters. It was far easier for the men to flee the sweltering built environment for spaces such High Park. Another reminder of how much public space was, is, male space. Class matters once again, with Queen’s Park filling up with citizens from the Ward although I would suggest that it was not merely the poor who fled their houses to get out of the heat. Though certainly the wealthy would have had more options on places to flee too. Still, when the early twentieth century city spoke of its parks as breathing spaces for citizens, it was being quite literal. I’ll be digging into heat waves more as I go along.

A light hearted look at how Toronto was coping with a heat wave in 1912. "Conquering the heat on Lake Shore and in Queen's Park," The Toronto Daily Star, Thursday, July 11, 1912, Page 2.




[1] “Heat Waves takes Many Children to Early Graves,” The Toronto Daily Star, Wednesday, July 10, 1912, Page 4.
[2] “Heat Waves takes Many Children to Early Graves,” The Toronto Daily Star, Wednesday, July 10, 1912, Page 4.
[3] “Heat Waves takes Many Children to Early Graves,” The Toronto Daily Star, Wednesday, July 10, 1912, Page 4.

Friday, December 14, 2012

Men vault, women play basketball, fountains go cupless

Toronto spent a lot of time in 1909 discussing supervised playgrounds. A discussion that finally led to the creation of St. Andrew’s Square Playground at the corner of Brant Street and Adelaide Street West. Playgrounds touch the edge of what I’m interested in, and historians have already had a pretty good look at them already. Still, I couldn’t resist digging into this when I came across it in the city council minutes.

The following excerpt is from the city’s Parks and Exhibition Committee’s final report for 1909. It catalogues the equipment that was placed in the park and gives us a sense of some of the city’s expectations for the new park. The sexy part of this story is the gender division that is staked out so bluntly, but there are other interesting things going on as well.

St Andrew’s Square Playground
The first fully equipped and supervised Municipal Playground in the City was established during the year in St. Andrew’s Square, which is centrally located in a thickly populated part of the City. The special appropriation for this work did not pass the Council until June 14th, and the playground was duly opened with imposing ceremonies on August 11th. The grounds contain an area of two and one-quarter acres, and this has been enclosed with a high wire fence, and divided into two equal sections, one for the apparatus suitable for boys and the other for girls, with separate entrances. The apparatus provided for boys consists of 
1 set See-Saws,
1 Outdoor Circle Swing,
1 Vaulting Horse,
1 pair Parallel Bars,
1 pair Jump Stands,
1 set Rope Ladder, Flying Rings, Trapeze, Climbing Rope, etc.,
1 Sand Box,
1 Toboggan Slide (Provided through the kindness of Mr. G. Dillon Mills). 
And that of the girls of 
1 set Swings,
1 set See Saws,
1 Outdoor Circle Swing,
1 pair Basket-ball Frames and ball for out-door play,
1 Sand Box 
All of it of the very best manufacture. A sanitary cupless drinking fountain was provided for each side. The appropriation voted did not admit of shelter accommodation or comfort stations being constructed, although these are essential to every properly equipped playground. 
As the Council made no appropriation for the supervising of this work, the Playgrounds Association generously undertook to provide for this want and paid for an athletic or supervisor for the boys, and two lady supervisors for the girls and very small boys.
The action of the City in providing this initial Municipal Playground was most heartily taken advantage of by the children of the locality, and not withstanding the brief period during which the grounds were open a strong tendency to good behavior was manifested by many of the boys whose reputation for orderliness and obedience had not been very marked.[1]

Bylaw no. 5353, an amendment to bylaw no. 4313, which looked after the management park and exhibition grounds in the city, was brought in to deal with the particular quirks of the city’s new supervised playgrounds.[2] And in this case, it looks like the bylaw, dated Sept. 13, 1909, came in after St. Andrew’s was up in running. Likely in this case the city was following the lead of its progressive citizens, the aptly named Playgrounds Association, in getting the park off (on?) the ground. The new amendment stated that the supervised playgrounds would be open between 9 a.m. and 8:30 p.m. each day, except Sunday, or “at such hours as may time to time be appointed by the council, and no person shall enter or remain therein except during such hours.” But while the playground was opened during the day the bylaw noted that “no child shall be permitted in the said grounds who should be at school, and any such child may be ejected or given in charge of a truant officer.” The person in charge also had the authority to “enforce order and to insist on rotation in the use of the apparatus.”

Here is what The Toronto Daily Star had to say about the new playground:

“The New Playground”
“Civic Dignitaries Spoke and Children Play at the Opening.”
 Hundreds of small boys and girls had their day’s fun on Toronto’s first equipped and supervised playground, St. Andrew’s Square, yesterday afternoon. 
Scores of older folk, too, attended the opening ceremonies, over which controller Hocken, who has taken a great interest in the playground movement, presided. The controller intimated that soon the City Council would provide swimming tanks for the playground. 
The most popular form of fun on the ground yesterday, as far as the little tots were concerned, was the chute or slide, and they kept it doing a record business. The larger boys have the westerly half of the playground to themselves, the girls and wee boys being separated from them by a wire fence. The whole ground is enclosed by a wire fence and the cost of equipment and fencing was $1,000. Parallel bars, teeters, giant stride on maypole, trapeze, swinging rings, and rope ladders are provided for the boys and the girls have sand courts, swings, maypoles, teeters, basketball, and the chute. 
Miss. E. McRoberts is supervisor of the girls, and Donald G. McGillicuddy, former physical director in the Stratford YMCA supervises the boys. After the ceremonies yesterday, the children gave hearty cheers for the men who have spent time and money in the playground movement.[3]

The Star and the city council record disagree on some matters. The council handed the chute to the boys and the Star gave it to the girls.  The city council record doesn’t mention a giant stride on maypole but this link suggests what it would have looked like.

The park looked like this in 1913:

“St. Andrew's Square,” October 14, 1913, Fonds 200, Series 372, Subseries 52, Item 196, Toronto City Archives.

The picture was taken from the girl’s side of the playground. There are girls on the swings and the basketball court is nearby. We can just make out the fence a little farther on that divides the park in half and kept the boys from straying into the girl’s side. The segregation of the sexes would not have seemed unusual at the time. School grounds and gymnasia in Toronto during that period often faced the same division.[4] It strikes me as odd that the girls got the basketball court but in the first decades of the twentieth century basketball was considered one of the acceptable sports for women to play, not overwork themselves and still maintain a feminine demeanor.[5] Similarly the rest of the equipment on the female side is intended to keep the girls from overexerting themselves. (Given the abundant amount of equipment on the boys side, I almost wonder if the girls got the basketball court as a wall of balancing out the playgrounds amenities.)

In contrast to the girl’s equipment that focused on play or, at best, running, the boys were supposed to keep busy and the equipment they were handed reflected that orientation. As Craig Heron has noted in his study on turn-of-the-century boy culture in Hamilton, the programs organized by businessmen and their wives were aimed at addressing the “boy problem” by keeping the male youth physically active, and “distracting boys from the thrill of the streets and preventing the drift into juvenile delinquency.”[6] The supervised playground fit in with a pantheon of sports programs, an increasingly youth oriented YMCA, and Scouts.[7] The link with the YMCA is apparent here given that the supervisor for the boys was a YMCA instructor.

Certainly, the behavior of the boys seem to have been on the minds of city officials who noted in the report shared above that “a strong tendency to good behavior was manifested by many of the boys whose reputation for orderliness and obedience had not been very marked.” Apparently they felt the system was working or at least the city wanted to suggest that it was. The concern about the boys certainly gives meaning to the sturdy fences, which were intended to keep the children within the controlled setting of the playground, but also to keep the males penned up in their side. Often, we think of the girls as being the objects of display to a male public when ringed in by a fence like this, and to a degree I’m sure they were; fenced in and intended to display proper feminine behavior within their yard.[8] Feminine behavior could, apparently, include a good dance around the maypole:

“St. Andrew's Playground — Maypole dancing,” August 26, 1914, Fonds 200, Series 372, Subseries 52, Item 429, Toronto City Archive.

But I think it’s clear that the males were also intended to be on display; supervised, well behaved and circulating through their athletic equipment they could provide a vision of how male youth were supposed to behave. They’d do that, or get turfed out of the playground. The Star and council records note that the young boys were kept on the girl’s side and it raises the question of when they got to leave the girls side and become a “boy.” No specific age is mentioned. There was likely a practical aspect to this; the young boys might have gotten in the way of the athletic endeavours of the older boys. But this division by age speaks to the notion that proper masculinity as produced by and displayed within the playground was something that had to be taken on and earned. It wasn’t something bestowed at birth.

I’m interesting in this playground story because it speaks to the gendered landscape that operated in 1909 Toronto and that speaks to how people could and did move through and experience the city. It’s highlighted here because it seems so deliberate, but the playground they constructed reflected their expectations for men and women and their efforts to create those ideal identities.

I don’t want to overstate that gendered landscape as something alien to what we experience today. Even now gyms, such as the University of Toronto’s Athletic Centre set aside distinctive women’s only hours in an effort to meet the needs of their female clientele and create a comfortable space for them to exercise in. Anyone who was walked into the Athletic Centre during regular hours can appreciated how very male a terrain it can be.

But my take away from St. Andrew’s Square might be one of the least significant details; how the kids got their water. Traditionally they would have used something like this, which also supplied water for horses:

“Drinking fountain at College Street and Spadina Avenue, ” April 26, 1899, Fonds 200, Series 376, File 2, Item 49, Toronto City Archives.

The “sanitary cupless drinking fountains” that were provided for each side of the park were a new innovation for Toronto. But they were catching on. The next year Ald. Graham presented a motion asking, “that the drinking cups be done away with and sanitary drinking fountains placed in the various Parks and other public places as far as possible.”[9] I’m interested in this cupless fountain because I think it says something about the city’s reorientation from dealing with the individual to the masses. It was a practical matter. Fountains that forced people to use a cup to drink the water created sanitary concerns about the germs on the shared cups; increased concerns in an increasingly medicalized society. The Toronto City Archives have this neat picture that points that out:

“Drinking fountain – plumbing,” April 4, 1912, Fonds 200, Series 372, Subseries 32, Item 110, Toronto City Archives.

I'm not even going to bother trying to tackle why a man is kissing the female fountain in the above illustration. That's a project for another day. But the “sanitary cupless drinking fountain” also suggests how the city increasingly moved away from dealing with “a” body, the one that drank from the cup, to bodies, the ones that drank from the fountain. To stretch the concept, it’s a little bit like the shift from an individual gas light to an electrical light system.


[1] Final Report of the Parks and Exhibition Committee, Jan. 6, 1910, Page 158-159, Toronto City Council, 1909, Appendix A, Toronto City Archives.
[2] Bylaw 5353, Sept. 13, 1909, Page 361, Toronto City Council, 1909, Appendix B, Toronto City Archives.
[3] “The New Playground,” The Toronto Daily Star, Thursday, Aug. 12, 1909, Page 14.
[4] Helen Lenskyj, “Femininity first: Sport and Physical Education for Ontario Girls, 1890-1930,” in Readings in Canadian History Post-Confederation: Seventh Edition, ed R. Douglas Francis and Donald B. Smith (Toronto: Nelson Thomson Learning, 2006), 289.
[5] Lenskyj, 288.
[6] Craig Heron, “Boys Will Be Boys: Working-Class Masculinities in the Age of Mass Production,” International Labor and Working-Class History No. 69, Spring 2006, pp6-34, 15.
[7] Heron, 16
[8] For a dramatic look at women being displayed for the men check out Adele Perry, On the Edge of Empire: Gender, Race, and the Making of British Columbia, 1849-1871 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2001), 155-161.  Perry is looking at a particular colonial display in her work.
[9] Meeting of Council, Item 94, Jan. 10, 1910, Page 22, Toronto City Council Minutes, 1910, Toronto City Archives.

Sunday, December 9, 2012

Thinking about lights

Darkness and the night has always been a challenge for society; or at least for those forces that want to regulate and control a particular society. As Bryan Palmer has noted, “The night time has been the right time, a fleeting but regular period of modest but cherished freedoms from the constraints and cares of daily life.”[1] Disrupting the darkness with light, was a way for regulatory forces, be they state or otherwise, to step in and attempt to control a situation. Pitched battles for control over light and darkness could result. Or entertaining battles; as my own research has found, the train journeys home from Manitoba’s Winnipeg Beach in the first half of the twentieth century often featured young men attempting to extinguish the lights on the train in an effort to create a little darkness for youthful indiscretions. [2] These battles became part of the mythology of a late night trip home from Winnipeg Beach.

In his book Disenchanted Night: The Industrialization of Light in the Nineteenth Century, Wolfgang Schivelbusch tracks the transformation of light as a man-made product from the campfire to the state-run distribution of gas and then electrical lights. Distributed from a central production facility, gaslight was an industrial product, but it didn’t transform the night; the gas lights cast flickering globes of light along the streets, but couldn’t completely light them and people’s eyes still registered the streetscape as being in semi-darkness. Electrical lighting could turn the streetscape from night into day. It could saturate the night to the point where people could see in colour.[3] With an eye towards Foucault’s notion of power, Schivelbusch describes light, and the systems that distribute it as the hand of the state and regulatory forces reaching out across the cityscape; “The 20th century was to experience this relentless light to the full. The glaring and shadowless light that illuminates HG Wells negative utopias no longer guarantees the security of the individual. It permits total surveillance by the state. The Utopian dream of nights lit up as bright as day was transformed into the nightmare of a light from which there was no escape.”[4]

We needn’t be quite so grim about our lighted state, but people in Toronto were aware of the power that the addition or subtraction of lights could have.

Mary Louise Adams has pointed out the use of “Morality Lights” in Toronto to control behaviour. In her article “Almost Anything can Happen: A Search for Sexual Discourse in the Urban Spaces of 1940s Toronto,” she notes that spotlights were added to school properties in the 1940s to prevent “school yards from becoming lovers’ lanes” after dark.[5]

What was happening in the 1940s wasn’t new. An article from the Toronto Daily Star in 1899 follows the city council as it discusses installing morality lights, and yes, they’re clear that the lights will serve a moral role, in High Park:
“Lights in Dark Places”
A motion to place four electric lights in High Park (three of them near Mrs. Myers’ stand) was moved by Ald. Score.
The question is, are the lights needed?
Ald. Bowman said the lights were needed and there was not time to refer the matter to the Fire and Light Committee
The lights were needed for the moral good of the city, Ald. Frankland said.
“It is strange,” remarked his worship, “that if these lights are so badly needed the Fire and Light Committee have not made a recommendation.”
Ald. Score thought the matter could be handed more expeditiously by the Council.
Ald. Hallam said the lights were needed “in the name of order and decency and everything else.”
“Who’s going to vote against it?” inquired Ald. Denison.
The motion was carried and the lights will burn nightly until October 15th.[6]
And neither is this experience “old.” Today cities, school divisions, and other groups in charge of controlling the intersection between land and people routinely use light and sightlines to shape and control the environment. Although, today we would more often speak of doing so in terms of safety and security rather than moral imperatives. Though, the moral imperative and concerns about moral threats remains with us.

In 1907, Toronto city council’s island committee looked at expanding the number of lights on the island. The city already had an electrical power plant on the island, but by switching from that plant to the Toronto Electric Light Company, the city would be able to bump up the power of its existing lights on the island by 25 per cent, increase the number of lights from 38 to 50, and keep them lit all night long, as opposed to the former practice of shutting them down at midnight.[7] Previously the lights had been turned out before midnight, but after facing complaints in 1906 the city had agreed to keep them on until Midnight.[8] Now, if the city followed through, they would stay on all night. If lights are an application of power, this was certainly a big step forward for the City of Toronto. Although we don’t get a sense from the news coverage in the Toronto Daily Star that this extension of city power had moral implications; rather the story focused on the fact that shifting suppliers might save the city $211.[9] As an aside, when it was approached by the city about extending service on the island the Toronto Electric Light Company pointed out to council that the island was already included under its contract with the city so it was obligated to supply the service; although it was grumpy about doing so because given that the lights only shone for five months of the season, the company considered lighting the island a money losing proposition. The island, therefore, ate into profits that the company made elsewhere through supplying lights to the city itself.[10]

A list of suggestions for new light placements in 1907 included everything from locations next to avenues to spots near sandbars, breakwaters and ponds.[11] It may be that there were moral tactical reasons for the placements, but it’s hard to tell from the city council appendix. Certainly people like Christopher St. George Clark, the Toronto journalist/muckraker who penned, Of Toronto the good: a social study: the queen city of Canada as it is in 1898 thought it was a concern. Clark wrote that, “In the course of a ramble over the island on a Saturday night, I came across several couples en flagrante delecto!”[12] More lights, on all the time, would have made it easier for people like Clark to ferret out the goings on of men and women sharing space on the island. (Clark doesn’t seem to have been overly concerned about how men spent their time together.)

But what did more light on all the time (or at least five months of the year) really matter? With an eye to Schivelbusch, it implies the City of Toronto was increasing its control over the island in both a metaphorical and practical way. But looking through the city council minutes it can be hard to tell where the line between moral and practical concerns began and ended. Were the lights intended to keep people from being naughty on the island, or simply to keep people from bashing into things after it became dark? If we take this concept of light as power seriously, it doesn’t matter what the city’s intentions were; the light spread over saints and sinners alike. It reshaped the behavior of people out for a stroll and young couples that might have hoped to cavort in the woods, though the couples might have felt its intensity more sharply. We could probably look at this in terms of negative—I’ll tell you what not to do or try to prevent you from doing something—and positive—I’ll tell you what you should do or support what you are doing—applications of power. Historians are more interested in the harsher, or negative, applications of power rather than the positive applications. It’s sexier to see how a couple in the woods was ferreted out by light than it is to consider how the people going for a walk were guided by that same light. But both examples are part of the same process.

The same report that recommend switching light suppliers on the island also discussed the possibility of switching the source of the lights’ power from electricity to gas. On that matter, R.J. McGowan, Secretary Fire Department, had this to say:
“To light the Island with gas would, in my opinion, not be as satisfactory as with arc lights. There would be difficulty in keeping the posts properly in position, the vibration of the posts would make the supply of mantles costly, the lamps could be easily tampered with and extinguished if desired, and to keep them clear from flies and other insects would be next to impossible.” 
 “In the city we experience great difficulty from flies, spiders, and other insects during the summer months, to such an extent that the draft flows of the burners frequently become choked in one day, preventing proper circulation and ensuring a poor light. This difficulty would be greatly increased on the island and for this reason, more particularly than the others mentioned, I think the arc lighting most suitable for lighting the island.”[13]
The suggestion that gas lamps could more easily be tampered with expresses a practical and, potentially, a moral concern. The Canadian Pacific Railway trains that whisked campers home from Winnipeg Beach had gas lamps in the cars and patrons could and sometimes did mange to extinguish them. And let’s not be coy here, the long-remembered rationale was that the men would put out the lights to have a little more privacy with the women. That could have been McGowan’s concern as well, or perhaps he was simply concerned about people bumping intro trees or falling into the lake if the lights went out. Either way, the focus is upon the people on which the light fell.

However, I find the statements about “flies, spiders and other insects” clogging up the gaslights equally interesting. One of the themes I’m interested in is how Toronto became a modern city during this period and part of that process was an ongoing trend towards separating itself from nature, becoming more inorganic or, to play off my title for this blog, getting dressed. We can see how switching from gas to electric lights would have been part of that process. The gaslights were far more beholden to the impact of nature; be it from weather conditions or from fauna. A well-dressed city needed electric lights to function properly in a mechanical sense and in its ability to guide behavior, regardless of whether that guidance was positive or negative. The island, even more remote from city and a little more undressed, would have been even more of a threat to the gaslights. Gaslight couldn’t satisfactorily control the island, because nature—flies, spiders, and other insects—would clog up the flames. It required the discipline of electric lights.

But let’s turn the point above around; it’s also interesting that the city contemplated putting gaslights back on the island, when it already had an existing electrical power plant there. McGowan clearly considered a point worth mentioning, or maybe he was just cautioning against it. However, it’s worth looking into whether the island committee considered the gas option because it felt that gaslights would be closer to nature; less industrial than the electrical light and fitting for an island that was considered an outlet from the urban environment. Maybe it didn’t want the island so completely controlled? Or, it may simply have been that the island committee wanted to know which was the cheapest option and didn’t care about the tactile experience of gas versus electrical lights. Some times it really does just come down to dollars and cents. Although in McGowan’s report to the island committee he says nothing about the cost of gaslights versus electrical lights; cutting directly instead to what he considered the flaws of gas.



[1] Bryan Palmer, Cultures of Darkness: Night Travels in the Histories of Transgressions (New York: Monthly Review Press, 2000), 19.
[2] Dale Barbour, Winnipeg Beach: Leisure and Courtship in a Resort Town, 1900-1967 (Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press, 2011).
[3] Wolfgang Schivelbusch, Disenchanted Night: The Industrialization of Light in the Nineteenth Century, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988), 114, 118.
[4] Schivelbusch, 134.
[5] Mary Louise Adams, “Almost Anything can Happen: A Search for Sexual Discourse in the Urban Spaces of 1940s Toronto,” The Canadian Journal of Sociology/Cahiers Canadians de sociologie, Vol. 19, No. 2, Special Issue on Moral Regulation (Spring, 1994), pp. 217-232, 228
[6] “Council sat nine hours and passed estimates,” The Toronto Daily Star, Tuesday, June 13, 1899, page 5.
[7] Report No. 1 of the Island Committee, Jan. 21, 1907, Toronto City Council Appendix A, 1907, Pages 126-127, Toronto City Archives.
[8] Report No. 10 of the Island Committee, June 20, 1906, Toronto City Council Appendix A, 1906, Page 848, Toronto City Archives.
[9] “Cheaper Light at Island Park,” Toronto Daily Star, Tuesday, Jan. 22, 1907, Page 9.
[10] Report No. 5 of the Island Committee, March 18, 1907, Toronto City Council Appendix A, Pages 363-364, Toronto City Archives.
[11] Report No. 12 of the Island Committee, June 17, 1907, Toronto City Council Appendix A, 1907, Page 879, Toronto City Archives.
[12] Christopher St. George Clark, Of Toronto the good: a social study: the queen city of Canada as it is (Montreal: The Toronto Publishing Company, 1898), 106. Adams, 219.
[13] Report No. 1 of the Island Committee, Jan. 21, 1907, Toronto City Council Appendix A, 1907, Pages 126-127, Toronto City Archives.

Thursday, December 6, 2012

Curse those padded shoulders

Thematically, I can fit this under my Undressed Toronto framework but, let’s face it, I’m just putting it up here because it made me laugh.

Judge Morson as a Coat Fitter
Denied That Samuels Had Got a Good-Fitting Overcoat

Judge Morson’s Division Court resembled the fitting department of a tailor shop this morning, when the Redablo [at least it appears to be Redablo] Manufacturing Company sued Mr. Samuels of 372 Queen Street East for $17, cost of making a suit and overcoat.
Mr. Samuels had the undercoat on, and was complaining of alleged defects, with the tailor dissenting, when his Honor enquired, “What’s all this?”
For one thing, Samuels objected to the padding, and so did his lawyer.
“Every shoulder is padded,” suggested Judge Morson. “That coat fits well.”
The tailor maintained that the coat was all that it ought to be. “He wanted wide shoulders,” he declared, referring to Mr. Samuels sartorial instructions.
“Mr. Samuels is very particular,” his Honor was told.
“I should think so. He bought the cloth at a fire sale,” came from the plaintiff’s lawyer.
“We all want bargains,” retorted the other solicitor.  “Mr. Samuels has a good figure and ought to have a good fit.”
The Mr. Samuels donned the overcoat, and at some length indicated what impressed him as imperfections, but his Honor, after a fairly close scrutiny, wasn’t impressed, finally giving judgment in full against the defendant.
During the demonstration Judge Morson had given certain fairly expert advice to the defendant, such as: “Keep your that shoulder down, etc.” As to the padding, his Honor was under the impression that it had been ordered. The court-room was replete with legal talent, but tailoring seemed to interest the solicitors fully as much s law.
J. Samuels, hardware merchant, wanted a plumbing balance of $60 from Mrs. Mary A. Willis, but the latter was not ready to proceed.
“I want a lawyer,” explained Mrs. Wills.
“So you are not satisfied with me,” commented Judge Morson. “Very well.” With a smile, “I’ll adjourn the case one week.”

(“Judge Morson as a Coat Fitter,” The Toronto Daily Star, Tuesday, June 2, 1908, Page 5.)

Sunday, December 2, 2012

Order and the Toronto Island Constable

In the early twentieth century, Toronto Island was a work in progress. The city’s sand pump was constantly creating new pieces of land, while the city’s dredging equipment was digging out channels. The island was alive, shaped by the forces of nature and man. Parts of the island were park spaces, parts were leased to “campers” while other sections were still being “improved.” But the city was increasingly trying to put order into the unruly landscape and peoplescape of the island. I’m interested in pulling together a few examples of that process and then looking at how that same process all came crashing down upon William Ward, one of the island’s most famous residents.

A look at Toronto Island in 1913. (Plate 1B, Goads Fire Insurance Plans 1913, Toronto City Archives)

Turner’s Baths had operated on the west side of the island since 1883. But in the early part of the twentieth century the city was taking over the property and trying to bring some of the unruly campers around it into order, which lead to a report from the island committee in 1906 looking at where people south of the baths should set up their summer homes. The report recommended that, “… in order that there might be some uniformity in the location of future houses on this section of the Island, the land be sub-divided into twelve fifty-foot lots as per plan submitted and rented to those of the above owners who applied for the same on the understanding that those securing lots were to erect houses similar to those north of the Baths, and be restricted to the regulations adopted for the northern lots …”[1] The requirements specified the size of the summer cottages and what was allowed in and around them. Cottages that had been in the area previously and met those standards were allowed to move to a new more orderly location while those that didn’t, and most of them didn’t, had to be pulled down.

On the eastern side of the island, the city was planning to play land developer as detailed in Report no. 17 of the Island Committee;
The assessment commissioner has submitted for the approval of your committee and the council, a plan for improving the eastern portion of the island. The plan as outlined provided for the filling in of the lots fronting the lake and making them suitable for leasing for residential purposes; the construction of a 50 foot roadway, and 200 foot channel north of the said lots, and the making of a small island about 20 acres in extent north of the said channel. This island to be connected with the main land by two rustic bridges.
The assessment commissioner’s plan when carried out will certainly be a great improvement, not only to this portion of the Island, but the Island generally, and will greatly improve the sanitary condition of the locality.”[2]
Bathers were also on the minds of the city’s island committee members. The committee pitched the idea of building bath houses at both sides of the island. Initial plans for a new bath house to replace Turner’s Baths included a women’s section with room for 24 changing rooms and a men’s section with room for 50 changing rooms. The cost would was estimated at $5,000.[3] The city’s board of control, which controlled the city’s cheque book, wasn’t thrilled with the idea of spending money on bath houses, however, and the project went back and forth between the committees throughout the rest of the year. Interestingly, by fall, when the island committee was submitting a revised and more thorough sketch of the proposed bath house to the board of control it included an equal number of changing rooms for men and women; each of them would get 84 cubicles.[4]

And finally, the city was also trying to control the natural environment on the island; in this case our old friend the mosquito. At its June 3, 1907 meeting the island committee discussed a request it had received from Mr. J. Lockhart Gordon “asking the assistance of the City in the matter of exterminating the mosquito on the Island.”[5] Gordon wrote that while the island residents were doing their part to snuff out the mosquito on their land, they needed the city to tackle the stagnant ponds on city property to be truly successful. The committee concurred and passed a motion to pitch in $100 to purchase crude oil to spray on the stagnant water ponds.

So how does William Ward fit into this discussion?

Ward’s name appeared in the city council minutes and appendix for 1906 when the island committee decided at its Feb. 22 meeting by a vote of 3 to 2 to terminate his work as island constable.[6] The Ward family had been on Toronto Island since at least the mid-nineteenth century and Ward’s Island, where they lived, had taken its name from the family. William Ward operated a hotel on the island and had been named island constable in the late nineteenth century, primarily due to his track record for rescuing people from Lake Ontario.[7] Ald. Sam McBride, a colourful figure in Toronto’s history and future mayor of the city, was highlighted in the Toronto Daily’s Star’s coverage of the vote, which was headlined, “Civic Employe without duties: Ald. McBride Appears to Have About got the Scalp of Island Constable Ward.”[8] The initial goal of McBride and the others might have been cost cutting; the city had started to place members of its regular force on the island, rendering Ward’s job, which had been created to serve the island, redundant.

At its March 5 meeting the island committee argued with Ward and his lawyer, W.H. Lockhart Gordon (and no, I’m not certain whether W.H. is located to the J. Lockhart Gordon mentioned above) about his role on the island. The issue now seemed to be far larger than whether Ward was needed as the island constable or not. According to the Toronto Daily Star, Ald. McBride led the charge against Ward stating;
“I have been on the Island three years and the only clothes Mr. Ward has worn was a pair of white socks and sweater … He allows his cows to run all over the Island, and the people thought he owned the Island. He also allowed his bull to run wild to the danger of the children. People are allowed to go in bathing without proper uniform. Mr. Ward has been collecting rent from a house built upon city property, and has been pocketing money the city should have. He has never done his duty as the Island constable, and has used a Government lifeboat for about four years and never saved a life.”[9]
In McBride’s comments Ward becomes the focal point for everything the city is attempting to control; his cattle scatter into an area meant to be park space, he flouts controlled behaviour by allowing people to bathe while improperly dressed and his property tumbles outside its proper limits. Despite the family’s long standing connection with Toronto Island, Ward was, like everyone else, leasing his property from the city. The question was, and apparently people hadn’t worried about asking before, where was the boundary of Ward’s lease? Ward was also improperly dressed; he wasn’t filling the visual role of appearing to be a constable, according to McBride. That was a conceptual problem but it was also a practical financial one; the constable’s position included an annual $60 stipend for two constables’ uniforms and McBride clearly thought that if Ward wasn’t wearing a uniform that was $60 not well spent by the city.[10] Along with removing him from his position as island constable, the city pursued a legal challenge against Ward, demanding that he repay rent that had been collected from tenants who in fact had been sitting on city property rather that property within Ward’s lease.[11] It’s a clear example of how the city’s efforts to police its territory were increasing and long-time residents like Ward were caught in the middle.

Gordon pointed out at the March 5 meeting that Ward had saved 120 people in the waters around the island, including ten in the last year but it won him no friends with the island committee members who still wanted him out as constable. Toronto’s board of control was more sympathetic to Ward and argued that while they could accept him losing his position as constable, they still wanted to see him maintained in a life-saving capacity on the island.[12] And, indeed, the city was in the midst of debating the creation of a life-saving unit for the waterfront and Ward was held up, albeit by the Committee on Property this time,  as the ideal candidate to lead that group.[13]

The positive views of Ward were certainly justified later that summer when Ward, three of his sons and a group of volunteers were given a commendation from the city for rescuing seven people aboard the three-masted schooner Reuben Dowd, which had run aground 600-yards east of the eastern channel at 4:30 a.m. on Friday, Aug. 24, 1906, in the midst of a gale. At the time of the rescue, the Toronto Daily Star noted that, “Those who witnessed the rescue, and they were many, emphasize the fact that Ward’s life-boat has proved its usefulness in an incontrovertible manner.”[14] Unfortunately the story contained no quotes form McBride to see if he felt the same way. The city went on to give each of the people involved in the rescue $50 in recognition of their efforts.[15] (It’s not clear to me yet what McBride had to say after that rescue, but I’m still checking.) However, the legal wrangles between Ward and the city continued over several years with the city suing Ward for what it considered lost rental income and Ward countersuing for lost wages.[16] This legal wrangling has certainly had no impact on Ward’s legacy in Toronto, writers like Bill Freeman have recognized Ward as the “Island Lifesaver” and credit him with saving 164 people during his life.[17]

But in some ways Ward’s struggles in the new century represent the changes that were happening on the island and the changes in the way the city thought about nature, land, ownership and people. Ward just happened to come together at the confluence of so many of these themes.



[1] Report No. 2 of the Island Committee, Feb. 5, 1906, Toronto City Council, 1906, Appendix A, Page 133, Toronto City Archives.
[2] Report No. 17 of the Island Committee, Nov. 19, 1906, Toronto City Council, 1906, Appendix A, Page 1533, Toronto City Archives.
[3] Report No. 5 of the Island Committee, March 20, 1906, Toronto City Council, 1906, Appendix A, Page 319-320, Toronto City Archives.
[4] Reprot No. 13 of the Island Committee, Sept. 20, 1906, Toronto City Council, 1906, Appendix A, Page 1215, Toronto City Archives.
[5] Report No. 11 of the Island Committee, City Council Appendix A, June 3, 1907, Pages 815-816, Toronto City Archives.
[6] Report No. 3 of the Island Committee, Feb. 22, 1906, Toronto City Council Appendix A, Page 191, Toronto city Archives.
[7] Bill Freeman. A Magical Place: Toronto Island and Its People. James Lorimer & Company Ltd., Publishers: Toronto, 1999, 26
[8] “Civic employe without duties,” Toronto Daily Star, Friday, Feb. 23, 1906, Page 2.
[9] “WM. Ward to Lose Place,” Toronto Daily Star, Tuesday, March 6, 1906, Page 2.
[10] Ibid.
[11] Toronto City Council Minutes, 1906, March 12, 1906, item 242, Page 77, Toronto City Archives. Report No. 9 of the Island Committee, June 4, 1906, Toronto City Council Appendix, 1906, page 773, Toronto City Archives.
[12] Report No. 4 of the Island Committee, Toronto City Council Appendix A, 1906, March 5, 1906, Page 255, Toronto City Archives. The matter had initially been moved at the Island Committee’s Feb. 22, 1906, meeting. Report No. 3 of the Island Committee, Feb. 22, 1906, Toronto City Council Appendix A, 1906, Page 191, Toronto City Archives.
[13] Report No. 10 of the Committee on Property, June 5, 1906, Toronto City Council, 1906, Appendix a, Page 757.
[14] “Big Schooner Wrecked, Gallant Rescue Made,” The Toronto Daily Star, Friday, August 24, 1906, Page 1.
[15] Report No 21 of the Board of Control, Toronto City Council, 1906, Appendix A, Sept. 7, 1906, Toronto City Archives.
[16] “City and Ward are advised to settle,” Toronto Daily Star, Thursday, March 12, 1908, Page 14.
[17] Bill Freeman. A Magical Place: Toronto Island and Its People. James Lorimer & Company Ltd., Publishers: Toronto, 1999, 26.